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1、ReferentialCPsandDPs:AnoperatormovementaccountLilianeHaegemanandBarbaraÜrögdiUniversityofGhentandHungarianAcademyofSciencesTheempiricalfocusofthispaperisthesyntaxandsemanticsofembeddedclauses,andinparticular,finiteobjectclausesthatareweakislandsforextractionandincom
2、patiblewithmainclausephenomena.SuchCPs(whichsubsumefactivecomplements)havebeenshowntohavenominal/referentialpropertiesbothdistributionallyandintermsoftheirsemantics(deCuba&Ürögdi2009).Startingoutfromthehypothesisthatadverbialclausesarederivedbyooperatormovement(cf.H
3、aegeman2009),thepaperdevelopsandprovidesevidenceforthemovementderivationofsuchembeddedclauses(Haegeman2009),andshowsthattheirreferentialproperty(deCuba&Ürögdi2009)canbemadetofollowfromaneventrelativizationaccount.ItisproposedthatbothreferentialDPsandreferentialclaus
4、es(RCPhenceforth)arederivedbyoperatormovement.ThepaperthusoffersfurtherevidencefortheCP/DPparallellism.1.Operatormovementandthederivationofadverbialclauses.Adverbialclauses,suchastemporalclausesandconditionals,displayadoubleasymmetry.(i)Mainclausephenomena(suchasarg
5、umentfronting,cf.Hooper&Thompson1973)areknowntobeungrammaticalintemporalclauses(1a).(ii)Incontrast,frontedadjuncts(1b)and(iii)RomanceCLLD(1c)aregrammatical.(1)a*WhenthissongIheardlastweek,IrememberedmyfirstlovebWhenlastweekIheardthissong,IrememberedmyfirstlovecQuand
6、cettechansonjel’aientendue...(French)whenthissongIit-have-1SGheard-PART-FSGThedoubleasymmetryisfamiliarfromwh-interrogativesandfromrelativeclauses,wheretheungrammaticalityofargumentfrontinginEnglishisstandardllyderivedfrominterventioneffectsonmovement.(2)a*Idon’tkno
7、wwhenyourtextwewillbeabletodiscuss.bQuestionsremainabouthow,inthisdayandage,theseplanscanbeallowedtogoforwardinthefactofextensiveopposition.cJenesaispasquand,tontexte,onpourralediscuter.(French)Ineknownotwhen,yourtext,onecan-FUT-3SGitdiscuss‘Idon’tknowwhenwewillbeab
8、letodiscussyourtext.’(3)a*Thisisastudenttowhom,yourbook,Ihadrecommendedlastyear.bThisisthestudenttowhomlastyearIhadrecommendedyourbook.cVo
